THE STOICS
Selected Readings
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The early Stoics, especially Chrysippus, were prolific writes, but what they wrote has been almost completely lost. So we depend on what others wrote about them. Cicero is one of our most important sources.
Cicero was primarily a Roman statesman. He lived from 106-43 BCE. Toward
the end of his life in 46-44 BCE, because he was sidelined from politics,
he wrote a series
of works to present philosophy (which had been written in Greek) in his native Latin.
The point was not to make philosophy available to the Roman elite. They were bilingual. It
was to show that philosophy could be conducted in Latin.
In his
On Ends I.1.3,
Cicero describes this project as a "labor of love." In part, it required Cicero to create a
new philosophical vocabulary in Latin.
Cicero's philosophical works:
The
Academica
discusses the Stoics and the Academics on the possibility of knowledge. It is
reconstructed from fragments of two works. The first (Lucullus or
Academica Priora) consists in the now lost Catulus and the
extant Lucullus. The second (Varro or Academica
Posteriora) consists in the Academic Books, of which only part of
the first book is extant.
Academica I (Varro)
is what remains of the Academic Books.
Academica II (Lucullus)
is the Lucullus.
Academica I consists mostly in Varro's speech on the
history of philosophy from the point of view of Antiochus
(I.15–42)
and Cicero's alternative from the point of view of the Academics
(I.43-46).
Academica II consists mostly in Lucullus's speech
on the Stoics
(II.10–62)
and Cicero's defense of the Academics in reply
(II.64–147).
On Divination
(in two books) contains arguments for divination and refutations of these arguments.
On Ends
(in five books) is a critical discussion of ethical views. There are separate
dialogues devoted to each of the three views. The first (in books one and two)
sets out Epicurean ethics and refutes it from the point the Stoics. The second
dialogue (in books three and four) sets out Stoic ethics and refutes it from
the point of view the Academics.
On the Nature of the Gods
sets out (in three books) the theological views of the Epicureans, Stoics, and
Academics.
Stoic Paradoxes
(in six essays) discusses some of the more striking Stoic doctrines. The
essays are intended as amusing popularizations, not serious works in
philosophy.
Topica.
Tusculan Disputations
(in five books) discusses the fear of death, the endurance of pain, the
alleviation of distress, the remaining disorders of the soul, and the
sufficiency of virtue for a happy life. (The discussions in the Tusculan
Disputations take place in Cicero's villa in
Tusculum
(a now ruined Roman city about 14 miles south of Rome).)
Cicero (106-43 BCE)
The most important early Stoics (Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus) were dead when Cicero writes.
Zeno of Citium founded the school in about 300 BCE. Cleanthes and Chrysippus were the second and third leaders of the school. Chrysippus died in about 206 BCE. The school itself continued.
• Academica I.40
(Part of Varro's speech I.15-42)
Cicero's Latin translations of Greek philosophical terms can be hard to keep straight. Here is
a partial list with English translations.
adsensio, "assent"
approbatio, "approval"
συγκατάθεσις, noun, "assent"
appetitio, "a grasping at, reaching after"
ὁρμή, noun, "impulse"
comprehensibilis, "graspable"
καταληπτός, adjective, "capable of being seized or grasped"
comprehensio, "grasp"
perceptio, "taking in, receiving"
κατάληψις, noun, "seizing"
"...cognition (cognitio) or perception (perceptio) or, to translate literally,
grasp (comprehensio),
they call κατάληψις..."
(Academica II.17).
"The cognitions (cognitiones) of things (which we may term comprehensions (comprehensiones) or perceptions
(perceptiones), or,
if these words are distasteful or obscure, καταλήψεις..."
(On Ends III.17).
impressio
visum
visio
φαντασία, noun, "impression"
visum comprehendible
καταληπτικὴ φαντασία, "cognitive impression"
inscientia, "ignorance"
ignorantia, "want of information, ignorance"
ἄγνοια, "want of perception, ignorance"
notio, "concept or notion"
ἔννοια, noun,
πρόληψις, noun,
"By concept (notio) I mean what the Greeks call now ἔννοια, now πρόληψις. This is
an innate knowledge of anything, which has been previously grasped, and
needs to be unfolded"
(Topica VII.1.31).
opinio, "opinion"
δόξα, "belief"
probabilis, "likely, credible, probable"
πιθανός, adjective, "persuasive, plausible"
sapientia, "wisdom"
φρόνησις
scientia, "knowledge"
ἐπιστήμη, "knowledge"
virtus, "virtue"
ἀρετή, "virtue"
perspicuus,
The alterations [Zeno] made in the third part of philosophy [reasoning and argument,
I.30] were
more extensive. The first change here was his innovative set of
claims about sense-perception itself. He considered sense-perceptions
to be compounds of a kind of externally induced impact—he called
this a φαντασία, but we can call it an impression (and let’s hold on to
this term, since we’re going to need it rather often in the rest of our
conversation). But, as I was saying, he conjoined these—the impressions received by the senses,
so to speak—with the assent of our
minds, which he took to be in us and voluntary.
• Academica II.24
(Lucullus’ Speech II.11-62)
There must be something for wisdom to follow when it begins to act, and this
must be suited to our nature; for otherwise appetition (our equivalent for ὁρμή,
by which we are impelled towards the object of our impression, cannot
be set in motion; but we must have an impression of the thing that sets
impulse in motion, and we must accept the impression, and this cannot take
place if the object is indistinguishable from something false.
• Academica II.37
(Lucullus’ Speech II.11-62)
I will make a couple of points about approval or assent (which the Greeks call συγκατάθεσις).
This is a big topic, of course, but we did the groundwork a bit earlier. First, when
I was explaining the power of the senses, it also became clear that
many things are grasped by them, which can’t happen without
assent.
• Academica II.38
(Lucullus’ Speech II.11-62)
For just as the balance of a scale must sink down when weights
are placed on it, so the mind must yield to clear impressions;
just as an animal can’t fail to have an impulse towards something that
appears suited to its nature (what the Greeks call οἰκεῖον), it can’t fail to
approve a clear thing it is presented with.
Notes on the Text
Zeno founded the Stoic school in about 300 BCE.
The Stoics thought that we have impressions. When I look at something, for example, the thing might impress itself on me in such a way that I get the impression that it is red.
"An impression is an imprint on the soul: the name having been appropriately borrowed from the imprint made by the seal upon the wax" (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.45).
Diogenes Laertius lived in the 3rd century CE. Life of Zeno = Lives of the Philosophers VII.1
Adults can assent to their impressions. Children and animals cannot assent because they do not have reason, but they do not need to assent. Nature in its providence has arranged things so that when children and animals get certain impressions, they get the appropriate impulses to maintain themselves.
Impressions in adults have propositions as their content.
"Another division of impressions is into rational and irrational, the former being those of rational creatures, the latter the irrational. Rational impressions are thoughts (νοήσεις), while those which are irrational have no name" (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.51).
Assent to the impression results in a propositional attitude to the proposition.
In adults, assent is necessary for impulse and hence for action.
• Academica I.41
(Part of Varro's speech I.15-42)
Zeno didn’t put his trust in all impressions but only in those that
revealed their objects in a special way. Since this kind of impression
could be discerned just by itself, he called it cognitive.—Can
you bear this?
Of course. How else could you
translate καταληπτόν.
But once it had been received
and approved, he called it a cognition or grasp, like something
grasped by one’s hand. (In fact, that was his source for this term, since
no one had used this word for that kind of thing before. Zeno used a
lot of novel terms, but what he was saying was new, too.) He called
an impression that had been apprehended by one of the senses a perception itself.
And if it had been apprehended in such a way that it
couldn’t be dislodged by reason, he called it knowledge, if
not, ignorance. The latter was also the source of opinion, which was
a weak condition covering false as well as unknown impressions.
• Academica II.145
(Cicero’s Speech 64-147)
Zeno used
to demonstrate this with gestures. When he had put his hand out flat
in front him with his fingers straight, he would say an impression is
like this. Next, after contracting his fingers a bit, he would say assent is like this.
Then, when he had bunched his hand up to make a fist, he would say
that that was a cognition. (This image also suggested
the name he gave to it, κατάληψις, which hadn’t been used
before.) Finally, when he had put his left hand on top, squeezing his
fist tight with some force, he would say that knowledge was
like that: a state none but the wise enjoyed—though as for who is or
ever was wise, even they aren’t in a rush to say.
Notes on the Text
Some impressions are cognitive. These impressions are "clear" and "distinct."
Cognition consists in assent to a cognitive impression.
Knowledge consists in assent to a cognitive impression that no rational means can convince one to withdraw.
An assent is knowledge or opinion but not both.
Only the wise have knowledge, but no one is wise. In this, the Stoics follow Socrates. His interlocutors could not answer his questions about their beliefs without contradicting themselves.
"According to [the Stoics], ...
of men the greatest number are bad, or rather there are one or two whom they speak of as
having become good men as in a fable, a sort of incredible creature as it were and contrary
to nature and rarer than the Ethiopian phoenix; and the others are all wicked and are so
to an equal extent, so that there is no difference between one and another, and all who
are not wise are alike mad"
(Alexander of Aprodisias, De fato XXVIII).
(For the Ethiopian phoenix, see Herodotus, Histories II.73.1
and
Pliny the Elder, The Natural History X.2.)
"It happens more often that a mule brings forth a colt than that nature
produces a wise man"
(On Divination II.28.61).
"The man in whom there is perfect wisdom—we have never seen a living example, but his character, if only one day he
can be found, is described in the words of philosophers..."
(Tusculan Disputations II.22.51).
"Of impressions, some are cognitive and some are not. The former, which they say is the criterion of reality, is defined as that which proceeds from a real object, agrees with that object itself, and has been imprinted seal-fashion and stamped upon the mind: the latter, that which does not proceed from any real object, or, if it does, fails to agree with the reality itself, not being clear or distinct" (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.45).
• Academica I.39
"[W]e prefer to apply the term disorders (perturbationes) rather
than diseases to what the Greeks call πάθη"
(Tusculan Disputations IV.5.10).
"This is Zeno’s definition of disorder, which he terms πάθος, that it is an
agitation of the soul alien from right reason and contrary to nature"
(Tusculan Disputations IV.6.11).
"They think all disorders are due to judgment and opinion"
(Tusculan Disputations IV.7.14).
"Chrysippus says that passion is an irrational and unnatural movement of the soul and
an excessive impulse"
(Galen, On the Doctrines of Hippocrates and Plato IV.2.8-9).
Galen of Pergamum (130-210 CE) is a Greek physician and philosopher. He wrote the first six (of the nine) books of On the Doctrines of
Hippocrates and Plato in 162 to 166 CE. His aim
was to show that Hippocrates and Plato agreed and were correct about
the faculties of animals. The work is largely polemical. In books
III-V, he attacks Chrysippus' understanding of the soul and conception
of the passions.
"Passion is defined by Zeno as an irrational and unnatural movement in
the soul, or again as impulse in excess (ὁρμὴ πλεονάζουσα)"
(Diogenes Laertius,
Lives of the Philosophers VII.
1.110).
"They hold the passions (πάθη) to be judgements, as is stated by Chrysippus in
his treatise On the Passions"
(Diogenes Laertius,
Lives of the Philosophers VII.
1.111).
"[T]hey say that the wise man is free from passion (ἀπαθῆ)"
(Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers VII.
1.117).
Whereas the ancients [Plato and Aristotle] claimed the disorders are
natural and have nothing to do with reason, and whereas they located desire in
one part of the soul, and reason in another, Zeno would not agree with that.
He thought that they were equally voluntary and arose
from a judgment which was a matter of opinion.
• Academica I.42
(Part of Varro's speech I.15-42)
But to the cognition I mentioned Zeno assigned a position in
between knowledge and ignorance, counting it as neither
good nor bad, though he said it alone warranted our trust. Owing
to it he also rated the senses as trustworthy, since, as I said before,
he thought that an cognition caused by the senses was true and
reliable—not because it grasped all the features of its object, but
on the ground that it omitted nothing detectable by it. Another
reason was that nature had given cognition as a standard and starting point
for knowledge of the world: it was the source from
which our conceptions of things were later stamped on our minds,
which in turn give rise not just to the starting points but to certain
broader paths for discovering reason. But error, rashness, ignorance,
opinion, supposition, and, in a word, everything foreign to stable and
consistent assent, he excluded from virtue and wisdom. These were
pretty much all the changes marking Zeno’s disagreement with his
predecessors.
• Academica II.30
(Lucullus’ Speech II.11-62)
[T]he amount of craftsmanship that nature has employed in the construction
first of every animal, then most of all in man,—the power possessed by the
senses, the way in which we are first struck by the sense impressions, next
follows appetition imparted by their impact, and then we direct the senses to
perceive the objects. For the mind itself, which is the source of the
sensations and even is itself sensation, has a natural force which it directs
to the things by which it is moved. Accordingly some sense impressentations it
seizes on so as to make use of them at once, others it as it were stores away,
these being the source of memory, while all the rest it unites into systems by
their mutual resemblances, and from these are formed the concepts of objects
"[We get] a fully completed grasp of things, for
instance, 'If it is a human being, it is a rational mortal animal.' From this
set are imprinted upon us our notions of things, without which all
understanding and all investigation and discussion are impossible"
(Academica II.21).
"And nature, the Stoics say, made no difference originally between plants and
animals, for she regulates the life of plants too, in their case without
impulse and sensation, just as also certain processes go on of a vegetative
kind in us. But when in the case of animals impulse has been superadded,
whereby they are enabled to go in quest of their proper aliment, for them, say
the Stoics, Nature's rule is to follow the direction of impulse. But when
reason by way of a more perfect leadership has been bestowed on the
beings we call rational, for them life according to reason rightly
becomes the natural life. For reason artfully directs impulse. This is why
Zeno was the first (in his treatise On the Nature of Man) to
designate as the end 'life in agreement with nature' (or
living agreeably to nature), which is the same as a virtuous life, virtue
being the goal towards which nature guides us. ... And this is why the end may
be defined as life in accordance with nature, or, in other words, in
accordance with our own human nature as well as that of the universe, a life
in which we refrain from every action forbidden by the law common to all
things, that is to say, the right reason which pervades all things, and is
identical with this Zeus, lord and ruler of all that is. And this very thing
constitutes the virtue of the happy man and the smooth current of life, when
all actions promote the harmony of the spirit dwelling in the individual man
with the will of him who orders the universe"
(Diogenes Laertius,
Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.86-88).
which the Greeks term sometimes ἐννοίας and sometimes προλήψεις. When thereto
there has been added reason and proof and an innumerable multitude of
facts, then comes the clear perception of all these things, and also this same
reason having been by these stages made complete finally attains to wisdom.
Since therefore the mind of man is supremely well adapted for the knowledge of
things and for consistency of life, it welcomes knowledge beyond all else, and
your κατάληψιν, which as I said we will express by a literal translation as
‘grasp,’ is loved by the mind both for itself (for nothing is dearer to the
mind than the light of truth) and also for the sake of its utility. Hence the
mind employs the senses, and also creates the sciences as a second set of
senses, and strengthens the structure of philosophy itself to the point where
it may produce virtue, the sole source of the ordering of the whole of life.
Notes on the Text
Human beings develop reason as they mature. Their souls start out as nonrational. As humans mature, this nonrational soul is transformed and replaced by a rational soul. (It is important to distinguish the Stoic view from Aristotle's. He too thinks that humans develop reason as they mature. Unlike the Stoics, though, he thinks the nonrational part of the soul survives in the adult and coexists with the rational part of the soul.)
"When a man is born, the Stoics say, he has the commanding-part
(ἡγεμονικὸν) of his soul like a sheet of paper ready for writing upon. On
this he inscribes each of his conceptions. The first method of
inscription is through the senses. For by perceiving something, e.g., white,
they have a memory of it when it has departed. And when many memories of a
similar kind have occurred, we then say we have experience (ἐμπειρίαν). For the
plurality of similar impressions is experience. Some conceptions arise naturally
in the aforesaid ways and undesignatedly, others through our own instruction and
attention. The later are called 'conceptions (ἔννοιαι)' only, the former are
called 'preconceptions (προλήψεων)' as well. Reason (λόγος), for which we are
called rational (λογικοί), is said to be completed from our preconceptions
during our first seven years"
(Pseudo-Plutarch,
Placita 4.11).
Pseudo-Plutarch (2nd century CE) Placita Philosophorum (Views of
the Philosophers) (once wrongly attributed to Plutarch) records
views of the philosophers on physics. Stobaeus (5th century CE) and
Theodoret (5th century CE) preserve parts of this same work. Theodoret names
(the otherwise unknown) Aëtius as the source.
"A notion is an impression to the intellect" (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.61).
"The notions of justice and goodness come by nature" (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers VII.53).
• On the Nature of the Gods I.39
"God is one and the same with Mind, Fate, and Zeus (νοῦν καὶ εἱμαρμένην καὶ
Δία); he is also called by many other names"
(Diogenes Laertius,
Lives of the Philosophers VII.135).
Chrysippus..., musters an enormous mob of unknown gods.... He says that
the divine power resides in reason, and the soul and mind of the universe;
the the world itself a god, and also the all-pervading world-soul, and
again the guiding principle of that soul, which operates in the intellect
and reason, and the common and all-embracing nature of things; and also
the power of fate, and the necessity that governs future events.
• On Divination 1.125
By fate, I mean what the Greeks call εἱμαρμένῃ--an ordering and sequence
of causes, since it is the connection of cause to cause which out of itself
produces anything. It is everlasting truth, flowing from all eternity. Consequently
nothing has happened which was not going to be, and likewise nothing is going
to be of which nature does not contain causes working to bring that very thing about.
This makes it intelligible that fate should be, not the fate of superstition, but
that of physics, an everlasting cause of things--why past things happened,
why present things are now happening, and why future things will be.
Notes on the Text
• On Ends III.16
"An animal's first impulse, say the Stoics, is to self-preservation,
because nature from the outset endears it to itself, as Chrysippus affirms in
the first book of his work On Ends....[N]ature in constituting the
animal made it near and dear to itself; for so it comes to repel all that is
injurious and give free access to all that is serviceable or akin to it"
(Diogenes Laertius,
Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.85).
It is the view of whose system I [Cato, who speaks for the Stoics] adopt, that immediately
upon birth (for that is the proper point to start from) a living creature
feels an attachment for itself, and an impulse to preserve itself and to
feel affection for its own constitution and for those things which tend to
preserve that constitution; while on the other hand it conceives an
antipathy to destruction and to those things which appear to threaten
destruction. In proof of this opinion they urge that infants desire things
conducive to their health and reject things that are the opposite before
they have ever felt pleasure or pain; this would not be the case, unless
they felt an affection for their own constitution and were afraid of
destruction
• On Ends III.20
[T]he first appropriate act' (for so I render the Greek
καθῆκον)
is to
preserve oneself in one's natural constitution; the next is to retain those
things which are in accordance with nature and to repel those that are the
contrary; then when this principle of choice and also of rejection has been
discovered, there follows next in order choice conditioned by 'appropriate
action'; then, such choice become a fixed habit; and finally, choice fully
rationalized and in harmony with nature. It is at the right aim, this final
stage that the good properly so called first emerges and comes to be
understood in its true nature. For originally man comes to be attached to
those things which are in accordance with nature. But as soon as he has gained
this understanding, or rather this notion which they call
ἔννοιαν,
and he has come to see the order and, to put it this way, concord of the
things to be done, he has come to value this concord so much more than all
those things he had originally come to hold dear. And thus by insight and
reasoning (cognitione et ratione) he has come to the conclusion that
this highest good of men which is worthy of praise or admiration and desirable
for its own sake lies precisely in this. It rests in what the Stoics call
ὁμολογιαν,
but which we may call agreement.
Notes on the Text
• Tusculan Disputations IV.6.12
"Also they [the Stoics] say that there are three emotional states
which are good, namely, joy, caution, and wishing (χαράν,
εὐλάβειαν, βούλησιν). Joy, the counterpart of pleasure, is rational
elation; caution, the counterpart of fear, rational avoidance; for
though the wise man will never feel fear, he will yet use caution. And
they make wishing the counterpart of desire (or craving), inasmuch as
it is rational impulse"
(Diogenes Laertius,
Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.116).
"Zeno says that even the wise man’s mind will keep its scar long after the
wound has healed. He will experience, therefore, certain suggestions and
shadows of passion, but from passion itself he will be free"
(Seneca,
On Anger I.16.7).
(See also Plato, Gorgias 524e
and Homer, Odyssey 11.40.)
"That only the wise man is free, and that every foolish man is a slave"
(Stoic Paradoxes V).
"[T]hey say that the wise man will never form opinions, that is to say, he
will never give assent to anything that is false. ... [And] they declare that
he alone is free"
(Diogenes Laertius,
Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.121).
Stoic
πάθη
and
εὐπάθειαι
For by a law of nature all men pursue apparent good and shun its opposite;
for which reason, as soon as the semblance of any apparent good presents
itself, nature of itself prompts them to secure it. Where this takes place in
an equable and wise way the Stoics employ the term βούλησις for this sort of
longing, we should employ the term wish. That, they think, is found in the
wise man alone and they define it in this way: wish is a rational longing for
anything. Where, however, wish is alien from reason and is too violently
aroused, it is lust or unbridled desire, which is found in all fools. And
also, where we are satisfied that we are in possession of some good, this
comes about in two ways: for when the soul has this satisfaction rationally
and in a tranquil and equable way, then the term joy is employed; when on the
other hand the soul is in a transport of meaningless extravagance, then the
satisfaction can be termed exuberant or excessive delight and this they define
as irrational excitement of the soul. And since we naturally desire good in
the same manner as we naturally turn away from evil, and such a turning away,
when rational, would be called precaution, and is consequently found in the
wise man only; but when dissociated from reason and associated with mean and
abject pusillanimity, it would be named fear; therefore fear is precaution
alien from reason. The wise man, however, is not subject to the influence of
present evil; fools are subject to distress and feel its influence in the face
of expected evil, and their souls are downcast and shrunken together in
disobedience to reason. And consequently the first definition of distress is
that it is a shrinking together of the soul in conflict with reason. Thus
there are four disorders, three equable states, since there is no equable
state in opposition to distress.
Notes on the Text
"It is a tenet of theirs that between virtue and vice there is nothing" (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.127). The Stoics thought that adults are either fools or are wise.
Fools suffer from passions. The wise do not. They are ἀπαθεῖς.
This, though, does not mean that the wise are without emotion. They know "joy," "caution," and "wishing."
Consider "caution." In fools, what corresponds to this emotion is "fear."
The fool has false believes about what is good and what is bad. Suppose he believes that death is bad and that he gets and assents to the impression that he is in danger of dying. His assent issues in an "excessive impulse" (ὁρμὴ πλεονάζουσα) to eliminate this danger. This impulse is "excessive" because it is way out of proportion to the value of his death. He thinks death is bad, but in fact it is indifferent.
The wise do not have false beliefs about what is good and what is bad. He understands that nature in its providence arranges things so that in general living things find food when they are hungry, recover from illness when they are ill, and so on. He does not know whether nature has arranged things so that in his case he will avoid death, but given his understanding of the arrangement in nature generally, he knows it is reasonable for him to to try to avoid his death. So, like the fool, he tries to eliminate the danger, but his impulse is not excessive.
• Academica II.36
(Lucullus’ Speech II.11-62)
What then is the persuasiveness that your school [the
Academics] talk about?
... [W]hen they say that it can happen to the wise man that after he has
taken every precaution and explored the position most carefully, something
may yet arise that while appearing to resemble truth (veri
simile) is really very remote from truth, they will be unable to
trust themselves, even if they advance at all events a large part of the
way, as they are in the habit of saying, towards the truth, or indeed come
as near to it as possible. For to enable them to trust their judgement, it
will be necessary for the characteristic mark of truth to be known to
them, and if this be obscured and suppressed, what truth will they suppose
that they attain to?
• Academica II.99.
Carneades holds that there are two classifications of impressions, which
under one are divided into those that can be perceived and those that cannot,
and under the other into those that are persuasive (probabilia) and
those that are not persuasive.... [H]is view is that there is no impression of
such a sort as to result in perception [no cognitive impression], but many
that result in a judgement of persuasiveness. For it is contrary to nature for
nothing to be persuasive, and entails that entire subversion of life"
Notes on the Text
• Carneades seems to have argued that assent to "persuasive" impressions is permitted. Lucullus because, as the Academics admit, a persuasive impression can be false.
Sextus Empiricus (2nd or 3rd century CE)
Sextus Empiricus was a physician and philosopher (in the empirical and Pyrrhonian tradition).
In a list of Empiricist physicians, Diogenes Laertius mentions "Sextus the Empiricist"
(Lives of the Philosophers IX.116).
Sextus Empiricus says that he himself wrote a (now lost) set of discourses on Empiricism
(Against the Grammarians III.61).
Sextus Empiricus's surviving works include:
Outlines of Pyrrhonism
Against the Mathematicians (Adversus Mathematicos)
Against the Mathematicians (M)
is in eleven books that have separate titles:
Against the Grammarians is M I
Against the Logicians I and II is M VII and M VIII.
Against the Physicists I and II is M IX and M X
Against the Ethicists is M XI.
• Against the Logicians I.151
"These men [the Stoics], then, assert that the criterion of truth is the
cognitive impression"
(Against the Logicians I.227).
"Knowledge itself they define either as secure cognition or
as a habit or state which in reception of impressions cannot be shaken by
argument. Without the study of dialectic, they say, the wise man
cannot guard himself in argument so as never to fall; for it enables him to
distinguish between truth and falsehood, and to discriminate what is merely
plausible and what is ambiguously expressed, and without it he cannot
methodically put questions and give answers"
(Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.47).
"The criterion of truth they declare to be the cognitive impression"
(Diogenes Laertius,
Lives of the Philosophers VII.1.54).
[The Stoics] assert that there are three criteria—knowledge and opinion and,
set midway between these two, cognition; and of these knowledge is
the unerring and firm cognition which is unalterable by reason, and opinion is
weak and false assent, and cognition is intermediate between these, being
assent to a cognitive impression; and a cognitive
impression, according to them, is one which is true and of such a kind as to
be incapable of becoming false. And they say that, of these, knowledge
subsists only in the wise, and opinion only in the fools, but cognition is
shared alike by both, and it is the criterion of truth.
Notes on the Text
• This is a good summary of the main points in Stoic epistemology.
• Against the Logicians I.257
[A cognitive impression] being plainly evident and striking, lays hold of us,
almost by the very hair, as they say, and drags us off to assent, needing
nothing else to help it to be thus impressive or to suggest its superiority
over all others. For this reason, too, every man, when he is anxious to
cognize any object exactly, appears of himself to pursue after an impression
of this kind—as, for instance, in the case of visible things, when he receives
a dim impression of the real object. For he intensifies his gaze and draws
close to the object of sight so as not to go wholly astray, and rubs his eyes
and in general uses every means until he can receive a clear and striking
impression of the thing under inspection, as though he considered that the
credibility of the cognition (τὴν τῆς καταλήψεως πίστιν) depended upon that.
Notes on the Text
•
• Against the Logicians I.432
[If] only the wise man speaks the truth and possesses firm knowledge of the
truth, it follows that, since up till now the wise man has proved
undiscoverable, the truth also is necessarily undiscoverable; and because of
this, all things are non-graspable (ἀκατάληπτα), seeing that we all, being
fools, do not possess a firm grasp [or: cognition] of existent things (οὐκ
ἔχομεν βεβαίαν τῶν ὄντων κατάληψιν).
• Against the Ethicists 183
[A]ccording to the Stoics the cognitive impression
is judged to be cognitive by the fact that it proceeds from an existing
object and in such a way as to bear the impress and stamp of that existing
object; and the existing object is approved as existent because of its
exciting a cognitive impression.
Stobaeus. John of Stobi. 5th century CE
Stobaeus compiled an anthology of extracts from philosophers for the education of his son, Septimius. Book II begins with "The views of Zeno and the rest of the Stoics about the ethical part of philosophy" (II.7.5-12). The source may be Arius Didymus (active in the time of the Roman emperor Augustus, 63 BCE-14 CE).
"The Stoics say that all impulses are acts of assent, and [although there are other kinds of assent,] the practical ones also contain motive power. Acts of assent and impulses differ in their objects: propositions are the objects of acts of assent, but impulses are directed toward predicates contained somehow in the propositions" (2.88.2-6).
Notes on the Text
This one of the few surviving reports about how the Stoics understood impulsive impressions.